wagering requirements in phlboss When money’s tight and you still deserve to indulge just a little bit, a budget splurge may be the way to go. That could be a new supermarket treat you’ve never seen before or a limited-time item from a familiar brand. Here’s some seasonal indulgences that are available right this minute but may be gone again soon. Favorite Day Whipped Dairy Topping Seasonal Offerings Target first sold holiday-themed topping in a squirt can last year. Hot Cocoa and Peppermint flavors are back, but for 2024, Salted Caramel has been dropped in favor of Holiday Nog. They’re all made with real cream, but also include stabilizers and emulsifiers, which is why they’re labelled “dairy topping.” Spices for the Nog version aren’t broken down beyond “natural flavor,” but it has that nutmeg and cloves essences you want without the eggy, tongue-coating thickness that turns some folks away from the real deal. Hot Cocoa isn’t a deep chocolate, but it’s true to the flavor of a powdered mix in milk or those little pudding cups. Peppermint reminds me of a peppermint bark more than a candy cane. Put it on coffee or pie or squirt it in your face when no one’s looking. 7UP Shirley Temple Soda As a child, the Shirley Temple may be the first mocktail you experienced. While parents sipped a Lambrusco or a Black Russian at the Christmas party, kids got lemon/lime soda with a pour of grenadine. You didn’t realize that the flavor was actually pomegranate, because a Shirley Temple always came a bright-red cherry on a tiny plastic sword. 7UP has released a limited-edition Shirley Temple soda that splits the difference with both cherry and pomegranate flavors. 7UP Shirley Temple is also available in Zero Sugar, but I suggest you start with “full sugar” version. I’ve got three different diet sodas in the fridge right now, but the treat of a childhood Shirley Temple was the blast of sugar that went above a normal soda pop. The aspartame version is refreshing, and you could drink a few in a day, but sugary Shirley has a hint more time machine. Holiday Harvest Hoagie from 7-Eleven Sandwiches with turkey and stuffing and cranberries pop up every November. Wawa brought back the Gobbler hoagie (hot or cold) and Firehouse Subs debuted a seasonal Thanksgiving sandwich this year. What’s different about the returning 7-Eleven sub is both the ingredients and that it’s pre-made and wrapped for grab and go. The Holiday Harvest is both smoked turkey and ham with surprisingly good white cheddar, cranberry mayonnaise, and a roll with stuffing herbs baked in the dough. The ham dominates the turkey, but the sharp cheese and the sweet mayo play off each other, and the stuffing roll gives you the flavor without putting bread on bread. For a $6.99 cold sandwich that was made overnight in an industrial kitchen near the airport, it’s filling and satisfying at a decent price. Brie My Guest Ice Cream from Baskin-Robbins We can all appreciate a new product that wants to vibe with autumn but isn’t pumpkin spice. The base of Brie My Guest is brie (of course) and burrata flavored ice creams with swirls of apricot and mixed with almonds and pistachio bits. If cheese in your ice cream is a turn-off, think more cheesecake than blue cheese dressing. It’s a little tart and funky, but with richness, and sweet fruity brightness, a little salt, and nutty crunch for texture. I’d be more likely to have a little scoop after a charcuterie plate than a double-scoop in a dipped waffle cone. This is also the time of year when Baskin-Robbins makes ice cream cakes, in any flavor you want, that are covering caramel-vanilla glaze to resemble a roast turkey. Edible/Drinkable Advent Calendars from Aldi Advent calendars started as a way for kids to mark the 12 or 24 days leading up to Christmas, maybe with a trinket or candy. In my house, we had one with tiny felt ornaments that we would pin to a felt tree before school. Somewhere along the line, brands figured we’d gladly buy stocking stuffers a month early if they put them in a box with little doors. Both Chapstick and Burt’s Bees make lip balm calendars. Aldi sells a trio of advent calendars: wine, chocolate and cheese. The clever bit is that they all synch up. Day One for 2024 is Chilean cabernet sauvignon, aged gouda and cocoa dark chocolate with all three complementing each other. Another day might be salted caramel, cheddar with whiskey, and a Washington State syrah. You can buy, one, two or all three and see how they play together. Aldi store-band chocolates are made by Storck, the confectioner that also produces Werther’s Original and Toffifay.

Los Angeles Chargers rookie wide receiver Ladd McConkey, listed as questionable due to a shoulder issue, is expected to play Monday night against the visiting Baltimore Ravens, NFL Network reported. McConkey missed practice on Thursday and was limited on Friday and Saturday. Star linebacker Khalil Mack, who was questionable because of a groin injury and was a limited participant, also is expected to play, according to the report. The Chargers (7-3) made several moves Monday ahead of the game against the Ravens (7-4), placing tight end Hayden Hurst (hip) on injured reserve, activating cornerback Deane Leonard (hamstring) off IR, signing cornerback Eli Apple from the practice to the active squad, and elevating linebacker Caleb Murphy and safety Tony Jefferson for game day. McConkey, 23, has started nine of 10 games and has 43 receptions on 63 targets for 615 yards and four touchdowns. The Chargers drafted the 6-foot, 185-pound McConkey in the second round of the 2024 NFL Draft out of Georgia. Mack, 33, is a three-time first-team All-Pro, an eight-time Pro Bowl selection and the 2016 NFL Defensive Player of the Year. He has started the nine games he has played and has 26 tackles and 4.5 sacks this season. For his career, Mack has 617 tackles, 106 sacks, 141 tackles for loss, 178 quarterback hits, three interceptions -- two returned for touchdowns -- 32 forced fumbles and 13 fumble recoveries in 160 games (159 starts). He has played for the Raiders (2014-17), Chicago Bears (2018-21) and Chargers. Hurst, 31, has started two of seven games in his first season with the Chargers. He has seven receptions on 12 targets for 65 yards. A first-round pick (25th overall) by Baltimore in the 2018 NFL Draft out of South Carolina, Hurst has 202 receptions for 1,967 yards and 15 TDs in 86 games (41 starts) for the Ravens (2018-19), Atlanta Falcons (2020-21), Cincinnati Bengals (2022), Carolina Panthers (2023) and Chargers. Apple, 29, has two tackles in three games this season, his first with the Chargers. The 10th overall selection in the 2016 draft, Apple has 383 career tackles and six interceptions in 101 games (82 starts) for the New York Giants (2016-18), New Orleans Saints (2018-19), Panthers (2020), Bengals (2021-22), Miami Dolphins (2023) and Chargers. Leonard, who turned 25 last Tuesday, has four tackles in four games this season. His 21-day practice window on IR opened Wednesday. --Field Level MediaWhere to Watch Clemson vs. The Citadel on TV or Streaming Live – Nov. 23The UK government is taking a tougher stance on protecting children online, threatening tech platforms to introduce stricter regulation unless they introduce measures that will keep kids away from harmful content. Developers of age assurance technology should play a part in that, according to UK’s Technology Secretary Peter Kyle. The Online Safety Act should be implemented “as quickly and effectively as possible,” according to a new document released last Wednesday by the UK Department of Science, Innovation and Technology. The Draft Statement of Strategic Priorities outlines the government’s key focus areas for online safety. The new document is a part of the Technology Secretary’s drive to ensure tech companies will comply with the Online Safety Act, last year. The regulation requires companies to keep children away from harmful and age-inappropriate content, including pornography, violence, hate, bullying, content supporting suicide, self-harm or eating disorders and others. Since the introduction of the new regulation, however, have been brewing that the Act may not live up to its expectations. Kyle, who was appointed as head of the by the new Labor government in July, is hoping to disprove this. Enforcement of the regulation falls on the UK’s communications regulator Ofcom which has the power to fines tech firms of up to 18 million pounds (US$22.6 million) or 10 percent of their annual global turnover for non-compliance. The Secretary told the media last week that he wants the agency to take a stricter stance toward policing social media companies that have been operating in a “gray area.” “Some of these companies are spending more on R&D than the British state is in total. So don’t tell me you can’t throw some resources together and have a conversation about how things like age verification can be made more robust, and that safety can’t be built in,” Kyle said in an with The Telegraph. Ofcom’s tasks include publishing Codes of Practice and providing guidance on how companies can comply with their duties. The first edition of the Illegal Harms Codes of Practice and the illegal content risk assessment guidance is expected to be made public in December 2024. The Draft Statement of Strategic Priorities places effective age assurance among its key focuses. “Services should take advantage of the technologies that are already available to identify child users and ensure that they cannot access harmful content on their services,” says the draft. “Age assurance should be deployed consistently, effectively and fairly to users from all backgrounds and age ranges.” The document also notes that the government has been supporting the development of third-party solutions for online harm through funding grants, hackathons and innovation challenges. This will help Ofcom outline ambitious recommendations for adopting technologies for online services. “The UK safety tech sector has an important role to play by developing innovative solutions to support platforms, improve online safety outcomes and enable agile regulation,” says the document. The strategy also outlines focuses such as safety by design or preventing online harm, increasing transparency and accountability of online platforms maintaining regulatory agility to keep pace with changing technology and behavior as well as building an inclusive and resilient online society. According to the Technology Secretary, tech firms have been claiming that age verification technology cannot yet provide the highly effective age checks required to enforce restricting social media use for children under the age of 13. However, companies already have the technology to understand people’s personalities which means they can understand a person’s age “with some precision,” he notes. Kyle explained that the government is reluctant to introduce new regulations before it sees the effects of the Online Safety Act. But he also promised the country would not hesitate to introduce more strict solutions to keep children safe online, including legislation similar to Australia. Last week, the country a bill in parliament that aims to ban social media for children under 16. For now, the Online Safety Act is proving effective at least for some tech firms, he adds. Instagram has been rolling out , including verifying users’ age by using Yoti’s facial age estimation or by uploading an identity document. Online gaming platform Roblox also this month that it plans to limit children under 13 from messaging other users. The decision was welcomed by Ofcom. | | | | | | | | | |

NEW YORK — The masked gunman who stalked and killed the leader of one of the largest U.S. health insurance companies outside a Manhattan hotel used ammunition emblazoned with the words "deny," "defend" and "depose," two law enforcement officials said Thursday. The words were written in permanent marker, according to one of the officials, who spoke to The Associated Press on the condition of anonymity. With the gunman still at large, police also released photos of a person they said was wanted for questioning in connection with the shooting. UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson, 50, died in a dawn ambush Wednesday as he walked to the company's annual investor conference at a Hilton hotel in Midtown. The reason behind the killing remained unknown, but investigators believe it was a targeted attack. This image shows a man wanted for questioning in connection to the investigation of the killing of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson outside a Manhattan hotel. The message left on the ammunition echoes the phrase "delay, deny, defend," which is commonly used by attorneys and insurance industry critics to describe tactics used to avoid paying claims. It refers to insurers delaying payment, denying a claim and then defending their actions. Health insurers like UnitedHealthcare have become frequent targets of criticism from doctors and patients for complicating access to care. Investigators recovered several 9 mm shell casings from outside the hotel and a cellphone from the alleyway through which the shooter fled. Inside a nearby trash can, they found a water bottle and protein bar wrapper that they say the gunman purchased from a nearby Starbucks minutes before the shooting. The city's medical examiner was looking for fingerprints. The killing and the shooter's movements in the minutes before and after were captured on some of the multitudes of security cameras present in that part of the city. The shooter fled on a bike and was last seen riding into Central Park. Bullets lie on the sidewalk Wednesday outside the Hilton Hotel in midtown Manhattan where Brian Thompson, the CEO of UnitedHealthcare, was shot and killed in New York. The hunt for the shooter brought New York City police to at least two hostels on Manhattan's Upper West Side on Thursday morning, based on a tip that the suspected shooter might have stayed at one of the residences, according to one of the law enforcement officials briefed on the investigation. The photos police released Thursday of a man wanted for questioning were taken in the lobby of the HI New York City hostel. "We are fully cooperating with the NYPD and, as this is an active investigation, can not comment at this time," said Danielle Brumfitt, a spokesperson for the hostel. Police received a flood of tips from members of the public, many of them unfounded. On Wednesday evening, police searched a Long Island Rail Road train after a commuter claimed to have spotted the shooter, but found no sign of the gunman. "We're following up on every single tip that comes in," said Carlos Nieves, a police spokesperson. "That little piece of information could be the missing piece of the puzzle that ties everything together." Investigators believe, judging from surveillance video and evidence collected from the scene, that the shooter had at least some prior firearms training and experience with guns and the weapon was equipped with a silencer, said one of the law enforcement officials who spoke with the AP. This still image from surveillance video shows the suspect, left, sought in the the killing of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson, center, Wednesday outside a Manhattan hotel. Security camera video showed the killer approach Thompson from behind, level his pistol and fire several shots, barely pausing to clear a gun jam while the health executive tumbled to the pavement. Cameras showed him fleeing the block across a pedestrian plaza before getting on the bicycle. Police issued several surveillance images of the man wearing a hooded jacket and a mask that concealed most of his face, which wouldn't have attracted attention on a frigid day. Authorities also used drones, helicopters and dogs in an intensive search, but the killer's whereabouts remained unknown. Thompson, a father of two sons who lived in suburban Minneapolis, was with UnitedHealthcare since 2004 and served as CEO for more than three years. The insurer's Minnetonka, Minnesota-based parent company, UnitedHealth Group Inc., was holding its annual meeting with investors in New York to update Wall Street on the company's direction and expectations for the coming year. The company ended the conference early in the wake of Thompson's death. UnitedHealthcare is the largest provider of Medicare Advantage plans in the U.S. and manages health insurance coverage for employers and state and federally funded Medicaid programs. In the U.S. healthcare system, even the simplest act, like booking an appointment with your primary care physician, may feel intimidating. As you wade through intake forms and insurance statements, and research out-of-network coverage , you might wonder, "When did U.S. health care get so confusing?" Short answer? It's complicated. The history of modern U.S. health care spans nearly a century, with social movements, legislation, and politics driving change. Take a trip back in time as Thatch highlights some of the most impactful legislation and policies that gave us the existing healthcare system, particularly how and when things got complicated. In the beginning, a common perception of American doctors was that they were kindly old men stepping right out of a Saturday Evening Post cover illustration to make house calls. If their patients couldn't afford their fee, they'd accept payment in chicken or goats. Health care was relatively affordable and accessible. Then it all fell apart during the Great Depression of the 1930s. That's when hospital administrators started looking for ways to guarantee payment. According to the American College of Healthcare Executives, this is when the earliest form of health insurance was born. Interestingly, doctors would have none of it at first. The earliest health plans covered hospitalization only. A new set of challenges from the Second World War required a new set of responses. During the Depression, there were far too many people and too few jobs. The war economy had the opposite effect. Suddenly, all able-bodied men were in the military, but somebody still had to build the weapons and provision the troops. Even with women entering the workforce in unprecedented numbers, there was simply too much to get done. The competition for skilled labor was brutal. A wage freeze starting in 1942 forced employers to find other means of recruiting and retaining workers. Building on the recently mandated workers' compensation plans, employers or their union counterparts started offering insurance to cover hospital and doctor visits. Of course, the wage freeze ended soon after the war. However, the tax code and the courts soon clarified that employer-sponsored health insurance was non-taxable. Medicare, a government-sponsored health plan for retirees 65 and older, debuted in 1965. Nowadays, Medicare is offered in Parts A, B, C, and D; each offering a different layer of coverage for older Americans. As of 2023, over a quarter of all U.S. adults are enrolled in Medicare. The structure of Medicare is not dissimilar to universal health care offered in other countries, although the policy covers everyone, not just people over a certain age. Medicaid was also signed into law with Medicare. Medicaid provides health care coverage for Americans with low incomes. Over 74 million Americans are enrolled in Medicaid today. The Obama administration was neither the first nor the last to champion new ways to provide health care coverage to a wider swath of Americans. The first attempts to harmonize U.S. healthcare delivery systems with those of other developed economies came just five years after Medicare and Medicaid. Two separate bills were introduced in 1970 alone. Both bills aimed to widen affordable health benefits for Americans, either by making people Medicare-eligible or providing free health benefits for all Americans. As is the case with many bills, both these died, even though there was bipartisan support. But the chairman of the relevant Senate panel had his own bill in mind, which got through the committee. It effectively said that all Americans were entitled to the kind of health benefits enjoyed by the United Auto Workers Union or AFL-CIO—for free. But shortly after Sen. Edward Kennedy began hearings on his bill in early 1971 , a competing proposal came from an unexpected source: Richard Nixon's White House. President Nixon's approach , in retrospect, had some commonalities with what Obamacare turned out to be. There was the employer mandate, for example, and an expansion of Medicaid. It favored healthcare delivery via health maintenance organizations, or HMOs, which was a novel idea at the time. HMOs, which offer managed care within a tight network of health care providers, descended from the prepaid health plans that flourished briefly in the 1910s and 1920s. They were first conceived in their current form around 1970 by Dr. Paul M. Ellwood, Jr. In 1973, a law was passed to require large companies to give their employees an HMO option as well as a traditional health insurance option. But that was always intended to be ancillary to Nixon's more ambitious proposal, which got even closer to what exists now after it wallowed in the swamp for a while. When Nixon reintroduced the proposal in 1974, it featured state-run health insurance plans as a substitute for Medicaid—not a far cry from the tax credit-fueled state-run exchanges of today. Of course, Nixon had other things to worry about in 1974: inflation, recession, a nation just beginning to heal from its first lost war—and his looming impeachment. His successor, Gerald Ford, tried to keep the proposal moving forward, but to no avail. But this raises a good question: If the Republican president and the Democratic Senate majority both see the same problem and have competing but not irreconcilable proposals to address it, why wasn't there some kind of compromise? What major issue divided the two parties? It was a matter of funding. The Democrats wanted to pay for universal health coverage through the U.S. Treasury's general fund, acknowledging that Congress would have to raise taxes to pay for it. The Republicans wanted it to pay for itself by charging participants insurance premiums, which would be, in effect, a new tax. The next significant legislation came from President Reagan, who signed the Consolidated Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act, or COBRA, in 1985. COBRA enabled laid-off workers to hold onto their health insurance—providing that they pay 100% of the premium, which had been wholly or at least in part subsidized by their erstwhile employer. While COBRA offers continued coverage, its high expense doesn't offer much relief for the unemployed. A 2006 Commonwealth Fund survey found that only 9% of people eligible for COBRA coverage actually signed up for it. The COBRA law had a section, though, that was only tangentially related. The Emergency Medical Treatment and Active Labor Act, or EMTALA, which was incorporated into COBRA, required all emergency medical facilities that take Medicare—that is, all of them—to treat patients irrespective of their insurance status or ability to pay. As Forbes staff writer Avik Roy wrote during the Obamacare debate, EMTALA has come to overshadow the rest of the COBRA law in its influence on American health care policy. More on that soon. It wasn't until the 1990s that Washington saw another serious attempt at healthcare reform. Bill Clinton's first order of business as president was to establish a new health care plan. For the first time, the First Lady took on the role of heavy-lifting policy advisor to the president and became the White House point person on universal health care. Hillary Clinton's proposal mandated : The Clintons' plan centralized decision-making in Washington, with a "National Health Board" overseeing quality assurance, training physicians, guaranteeing abortion coverage, and running both long-term care facilities and rural health systems. The insurance lobbyists had a field day with that. The famous "Harry and Louise" ads portrayed a generic American couple having tense conversations in their breakfast nook about how the federal government would come between them and their doctor. By the 1994 midterms, any chance of universal health care in America had died. In this case, it wasn't funding but the debate between big and small governments that killed the Clinton reform. It would be another generation before the U.S. saw universal health care take the stage. Fast-forward to 2010. It was clear that employer-sponsored plans were vestiges of another time. They made sense when people stayed with the same company for their entire careers, but as job-hopping and layoffs became more prevalent, plans tied to the job became obsolete. Thus the Affordable Care Act, or ACA, was proposed by Barack Obama's White House and squeaked by Congress and the Supreme Court with the narrowest of margins. The ACA introduced an individual mandate requiring everyone to have health insurance regardless of job status. It set up an array of government-sponsored online exchanges where individuals could buy coverage . It also provided advance premium tax credits to defray the cost to consumers. But it didn't ignore hat most people were already getting health insurance through work, and a significant proportion didn't want to change . So the ACA also required employers with 50 or more full-time equivalent employees to provide health coverage to at least 95% of them. The law, nicknamed Obamacare by supporters and detractors, set a minimum baseline of coverage and affordability. The penalty for an employer that offers inadequate or unaffordable coverage can never be greater than the penalty for not offering coverage at all. The model for Obamacare was the health care reform package that went into effect in Massachusetts in 2006. The initial proposal was made by then-Governor Mitt Romney, a Republican who now serves as a senator from Utah. Despite an onslaught of court challenges, Obamacare remains the law of the land. For a while, Republican congressional candidates ran on a "repeal-and-replace" platform plank, but even when they were in the majority, there was little legislative action to do either. Still, Obamacare is not the last word in American health care reform. Since then, there have been two important improvements to Health Reimbursement Arrangements, through which companies pay employees back for out-of-pocket medical-related expenses. HRAs had been evolving informally since at least the 1960s but were first addressed by the Internal Revenue Service in 2002. Not much more happened on that front until Obama's lame-duck period. In December 2016, he signed the bipartisan 21st Century Cures Act, which was mainly a funding bill supporting the National Institutes of Health as it addressed the opioid crisis. But, just like the right to free emergency room treatment was nested in the larger COBRA law, the legal framework of Qualified Small Employer Health Reimbursement Arrangements was tucked away in a corner of the Cures Act. QSEHRAs, offered only by companies with fewer than 50 full-time employees, allow firms to let their employees pick their insurance coverage off the Obamacare exchanges. The firms pay the employees back for some or all of the cost of those premiums. The employees then become ineligible for the premium tax credit provided by the ACA, but a well-constructed QSEHRA will meet or exceed the value of that subsidy. That brings this timeline to one last innovation, which expands QSEHRA-like treatment to companies with more than 50 employees or aspiring to have them. Individual Coverage Health Reimbursement Arrangements , or ICHRAs, were established by a 2019 IRS rule . ICHRAs allow firms of any size to offer employees tax-free contributions to cover up to 100% of their individual health insurance premiums as well as other eligible medical expenses. Instead of offering insurance policies directly, companies advise employees to shop on a government-sponsored exchange and select the best plan that suits their needs. Employer reimbursement rather than an advance premium tax credit reduces premiums. And because these plans are already ACA-compliant, there's no risk to the employer that they won't meet coverage or affordability standards. The U.S. is never going back to the mid-20th century model of lifetime employment at one company. Now, with remote employees and gig workers characterizing the workforce, the portability of an ICHRA provides some consistency for those who expect to be independent contractors for their entire careers. Simultaneously, allows bootstrap-phase startups to offer the dignity of health coverage to their Day One associates. The U.S. health care system can feel clunky and confusing to navigate. It is also regressive and penalizes startups and small businesses. For a country founded by entrepreneurs, it's sad that corporations like Google pay less for health care per employee than a small coffee shop in Florida. In many ways, ICHRA democratizes procuring health care coverage. In the same way that large employers enjoy the benefits of better rates, ICHRA plan quality and prices improve as the ICHRA risk pool grows. Moving away from the traditional employer model will change the incentive structure of the healthcare industry. Insurers will be able to compete and differentiate on the merits of their product. They will be incentivized to build products for people, not one-size-fits-all solutions for employers. This story was produced by Thatch and reviewed and distributed by Stacker Media. Get the latest in local public safety news with this weekly email.Heat GM Pat Riley makes feelings clear on Jimmy Butler trade proposals

The Milwaukee Brewers are likely going to lose one of their star players this offseason in MLB free agency. Willy Adames is one of the best free agents available and there are a lot of teams planning to pursue him. Assuming he does end up leaving town, he will be missed in a big way. While there is still a chance that the Brewers could get aggressive and find a way to re-sign Adames, that does not seem to be terribly likely at this point in time. Milwaukee Brewers Could See New York Yankees Steal Star Free Agent There is a long list of teams who would love to land Adames in free agency. However, there is a team lurking as a sleeper landing spot who could pivot if they lose one of their own free agents to swoop in and steal Adames away. That team is none other than the New York Yankees. MLB insider Bob Nightengale of USA Today has noted that if the Yankees are unable to re-sign Juan Soto, they could make a strong push to sign Adames. “If the New York Yankees don’t re-sign Juan Soto, one back-up plan floating around is signing free-agent first baseman Christian Walker, sign either Willy Adames or Alex Bregman to play third, shift Jazz Chisholm to second base, trade for Cubs center fielder Cody Bellinger, and then use the extra money to sign Burnes, Fried or Snell.” Adames would make a ton of sense for New York if they do lose Soto. He would help ease some of the offensive firepower. During the 2024 MLB season with the Milwaukee Brewers, Adames ended up playing in 161 games. He hit 32 home runs to go along with 112 RBI, while also slashing .251/.331/.462. At 29 years old, Adames has a lot of great baseball left ahead of him. He would be a cornerstone piece of the Yankees’ lineup for years to come. Fans may be holding out hope that the Milwaukee Brewers will be able to figure out a way to re-sign Adames. Unfortunately, his market is going to be very expensive and teams like New York potentially jumping in with big money offers will likely result in him leaving town. This article first appeared on WI Sports Heroics and was syndicated with permission.UAAP Finals-bound UP looks to change story of past two seasons